Quote of the day

“I find economics increasingly satisfactory, and I think I am rather good at it.”– John Maynard Keynes

Wednesday 28 August 2024

Monetary policy again

 

Central bankers should enjoy their soft landing while they can – it won’t last

By hosing down the flames, central banks are very likely incubating the next mega-crisis

By most accounts, an air of self-congratulation hung over last weekend’s annual gathering of central bankers at Jackson Hole in Wyoming.

Miraculously, these lords of finance had pulled off the seemingly impossible by returning inflation broadly to target without inducing a recession. In the jargon, this is known as a soft landing, and it scarcely ever happens.

The normal pattern is one of boom and bust; the economy overheats, inflation takes off, belatedly the central bank acts to cool demand by raising interest rates, the therapy is overdone, the economy slows and then stalls, business activity contracts and unemployment rises.

Many learned economists predicted just such an outcome this time around. So indeed did the Bank of England. In November 2022 the Bank’s quarterly monetary policy report predicted the longest recession in living memory; GDP was expected to contract by 0.75pc in the second half of 2022 then continue falling throughout 2023 and the first half of this year.

In the event none of this happened, despite the fact that Bank Rate quickly rose to the levels assumed in those forecasts. A very mild and short-lived recession was quickly followed by a relatively strong rebound.

A similar trajectory was followed by the US economy, where like the Bank of England, the Federal Reserve initially dismissed the spike in inflation as “transitory” before belatedly slamming on the brakes when second round effects took hold.

So here we are, with the brakes duly applied but no sign of the recession you would have expected from such a severe and rapid monetary tightening. It did not require a steep rise in unemployment, it would seem, to douse the inflationary flames.

It may, of course, still be too early to declare victory; there is a sizeable school of thought that suggests recession remains very much on the cards – it’s just on a long fuse. The embarrassing admission that the official data has overstated US jobs creation by 880,000 suggests that things are not as buoyant as assumed.

Even so, financial markets remain sanguine. After the temper tantrum of a few weeks back, stock markets are again testing all-time highs, encouraged by dovish remarks at Jackson Hole from Jay Powell, the Fed chairman. The Fed will be cutting interest rates sharply from next month onwards, he implied. It seemed to be enough to calm nerves.

Still, it is more by luck than design that things haven’t turned out a good deal worse. There is not yet enough research on precisely why and how such outcomes were avoided, but here are a number of likely explanations.

First, the inflationary surge that prompted the steep rise in interest rates was very unusual in its causes. The preceding pandemic saw governments around the world effectively close large parts of their economies down with social distancing measures.

Demand was artificially suppressed, so that when the measures were lifted, it came surging back to preceding levels into an economy where supply had been badly damaged by prolonged lockdown.

It was hard to spend on services during the pandemic, which had the effect of unduly skewing what demand there was towards goods, creating bottlenecks in supply and raising prices accordingly. Services followed suit as soon as they were allowed to open again. To compound it all, Putin’s invasion of Ukraine caused fuel prices to spiral upwards, further adding to input costs.

Once these factors had readjusted back to normal, much of the inflation began to disappear.

Second, inability to spend as usual during the pandemic led to substantial savings surpluses which cushioned consumers from the effects of rising interest rates on mortgages and other borrowing costs.

Moreover, wages quickly caught up with inflation, with the result that disposable income was largely protected from rising prices.

And third, relatively high levels of immigration – both in the US and the UK – and the fiscal stimulus of Bidenomics in the States, helped keep GDP growing, notwithstanding the severity of the monetary squeeze.

The other thing that tends to happen with rising interest rates is that it catches many parts of the financial system by surprise, sparking in hidden areas of the economy a chain reaction of insolvencies and losses which damage broader financial and business confidence.

Central banks have been busy ensuring this doesn’t happen.

At the first sign of grapeshot they are on it, underwriting depositors against loss as happened with the collapse of Silicon Valley Bank and other small US regional banks, and in the UK with the liability-driven investment crisis, when the Bank of England was forced to step in to prevent a fire sale by pension funds of UK government bonds.

In Switzerland regulators quickly organised a rescue when Credit Suisse looked as if it was going to the wall.

This is all very well, and no doubt helps protect the wider economy from the destruction of financial markets.

But interventions of this type also have the effect of suppressing an essential part of the business cycle, which is to purge the system of rotten apples so as to allow for more productive allocation of capital.

By the bye, it also adds to moral hazard. Pretty soon, investors and financiers start to believe they are guaranteed against almost any loss by central bank intervention, and you end up with something like the “Greenspan put”, named after the former Fed chairman Alan Greenspan, where finance positively expects to be bailed out.

This was also the lesson drawn by financial markets from the “dash for cash” in the early stages of the pandemic, when flight to safety prompted the widespread dumping of government bonds and money market funds in favour of pure cash.

Once again, central banks stepped in to calm the waters by buying debt and otherwise providing oceans of liquidity. It stemmed the crisis, but it also encouraged finance to believe there would always be a backstop. Leverage and other high risk forms of lending have been on rocket boosters ever since.

As Raghuram Rajan, former governor of the Reserve Bank of India, put it in a recent article: “Economic stabilisation may, paradoxically, raise the chances of financial instability”.

By constantly hosing down the flames, central banks are very likely incubating the next mega-crisis.

Not that there is any reason to believe this is imminent. A bit like the next eruption of Vesuvius, no-one can tell you when it might happen.

Worryingly, the international resolve to do much about it when it does, may be lacking next time around.

Not only has enthusiasm for the global financial reform agenda instigated after the financial crisis of 2008-10 waned, but it is also hard to imagine the world coming together as it did back then with a coordinated plan of action when the next big one hits.

Today’s world is a much-changed place, with rising geopolitical division and tension and many nations already too fiscally stretched to provide countervailing stimulus. Central bankers should enjoy their soft landing while they can; it won’t last.

Monetarists have been saying policy is too tight for a while - this backs it up:

 


The last great engine of the world economy is sputtering out

Both China and the eurozone are in a slump and no one looks ready to take the baton from the stalling US

Jerome Powell, the chairman of the Federal Reserve
The Jerome Powell-led Federal Reserve will have to pull off an immaculate soft landing to keep the world afloat Credit: Kevin Mohatt/REUTERS

Ajumbo US rate cut of 50 points in September is back on the table, and possibly several cuts in a quick succession as the Federal Reserve is forced into a screeching hand-brake turn.

Markets have been caught off guard by a drastic revision of non-farm payrolls, the worst miss since the Lehman crisis. Labour economists can justifiably say “I told you so”. They have been warning all year that instant headline figures do not catch early signs of trouble in the US jobs market when the economic cycle rolls over. You have to look under the bonnet.

“The Fed is late, and is now going to have to scramble, in an undignified manner,” said Paul Donovan, chief economist at UBS wealth management.

One has to sympathise with Fed chairman Jay Powell as he descends on Jackson Hole this Friday for the annual ritual of marshmallow roasting and campfire songs. The institution has been misled once again by unreliable data. The gain in non-farm payrolls in the twelve months to March was 818,000 less than previously stated. The enormous error flattered Bidenomics and overstated the US boom. We should assume that GDP growth will be revised down as well — unless productivity has magically surged, which I doubt.

Citigroup says the economy may already be well into recession. It has pencilled in double-decker cuts in both September and early November. 

The start of a US rate-cutting cycle is an intoxicating tonic for global equities, small caps, emerging markets and commodities, provided it comes with a soft landing. It is a different story if a slowdown flips into a hard landing. Portfolios are cut to ribbons once that is allowed to happen.

“We say sell the first cut as hard landing risks are clearly rising,” said Michael Hartnett, investment guru at Bank of America. The S&P 500 fell by an average of 6pc three months after the first cut in the seven hard landing episodes since 1970, and this time stock P/E ratios are stretched to the moon.

It is sobering that combined federal, state, and local deficits running above 8pc of GDP this year are still not enough stimulus to stop US unemployment ratcheting up to 4.3pc and triggering the recessionary Sahm rule. If that level of spending cannot buy you perma-boom, what can?

The August tremor on global markets was probably a false alarm but there is a non-trivial risk that it may have been picking up real stress in the US economy and the world’s dollarised financial system. The VIX volatility index hit an intraday high of 65 on Aug 5. 

This has only ever happened twice before: in October 2008 and in March 2020, when Covid shut the economy and briefly broke the US Treasury market.

“We think it would be a mistake for the Fed to conclude that the turmoil was a head-fake,” said Krishna Guha from Evercore ISI. “Happily we think the Fed leadership ‘get this’. Having seen a live demo of what an adverse macro-market plunge into a hard landing would look like, it will want to make extra-sure this does not materialise.”

Fed minutes published this week revealed that several members wanted a rate cut in July even before the trouble in early August. “Many participants noted that reducing policy restraint too late or too little could risk unduly weakening economic activity or employment [and] could transition to a more serious deterioration.” 

The first stage of a labour downturn is clearly underway. Job offers in cyclical sectors such as restaurants and construction are plummeting. The second stage of rising lay-offs has not begun but may not be far away. The worry is that it can happen suddenly once confidence snaps, setting off the self-feeding cascade of a classic recession. 

Steven Blitz from TS Lombard said the Fed is now paying the price for its (ridiculous) policy of data dependency. “When the bad data shows up, policy is already late. There is a reason sharp downward revisions occur just before or during recessions,” he said.

Central banking is like ice hockey. You have to skate to where the puck is going, not where it is, and the lag times of monetary policy can be a year or two.

We will find out soon whether or not the Powell Fed has committed a second error by staying too tight for too long, the mirror image of staying too loose as the money supply exploded and the economy roared back at the end of Covid.

No other part of the world looks ready to take the baton as the US slows. The eurozone is still in a deep manufacturing recession. It is tightening fiscal policy by 1pc of GDP this year as the Stability Pact comes back in force. But it is China that keeps sinking further into depression, unable or unwilling to stop the onset of post-bubble debt deflation. 

Used home prices in the 70-city index have dropped 14pc so far from peak to trough, falling almost every month since mid-2021 in slow torture, grinding away at the stored wealth of the Chinese middle class. Fear of further price falls is in turn leading to extreme precautionary saving and a mood of cosmic gloom. New home starts have fallen 63pc from their peak, a steeper and deeper property bust than Japan saw in the 1990s.

The authorities are dabbling with a resolution mechanism but the scale is not up to the problem. “The sums so far are still too small to make a meaningful difference,” said Capital Economics. 

Xi Jinping is too alarmed by rising debt to let rip with demand stimulus. The People’s Bank is too worried about the exchange rate and mismatches in the Chinese bond market to let rip with serious money. The result is a death spiral in the monetary aggregates. Janus Henderson investors says two of its key measures are now dangerously weak. “True M1” is contracting at a 4pc rate (six-month annualised) and the China corporate liquidity ratio has dropped to unprecedented levels.

Rather than grasping the nettle at this year’s Third Plenum, the Communist Party has opted to double down on its strategy, aiming to export its way out of trouble and dump its excess capacity on the rest of us. China’s slump is why iron ore prices have crashed. It is a large reason why Brent crude is hovering at two-year lows near $76, even though the OPEC-Russia cartel is withholding three million barrels a day to prop up prices. 

China rescued the world economy when the West came off the rails in 2008-2009. Fifteen years later it is more likely to compound a global recession.

Markets are betting that the Powell Fed will pull off an immaculate soft landing and keep the world afloat. Let us pray that they are right. 

Tuesday 27 August 2024

And the winner is... a Land Value Tax:

 

The radical land tax proposal that has garnered support from both the Right and the Left

Property is in the crosshairs as Reeves scrambles to plug Britain’s £22bn ‘black hole’

Row of houses in Wimbledon
Residents in the wealthy area of Wimbledon would be among the hardest hit by a land tax overhaul Credit: Greg Balfour Evans/Alamy Stock Photo

Early in his career Winston Churchill attacked what he called “the mother of all other forms of monopoly”: land.

Profits from rising land values were not only “unearned”, Churchill warned in a 1909 speech, but “positively detrimental to the general public” because high land prices become a barrier to development.

Churchill would go on to lead the traditional party of rural landowners – the Conservatives. But at the time he was in the ruling Liberal Party, whose chancellor, David Lloyd George, had proposed a land tax.

However, instead of redistributing wealth across the country, the plan triggered a constitutional crisis and two general elections.

More than a century on, calls are growing for Rachel Reeves, the incumbent Chancellor, to do what Lloyd George couldn’t: abolish Britain’s current system of property taxation – which now consists of council tax, stamp duty and business rates – and replace it with a land tax.

Liberal chancellor David Lloyd George proposed a land tax more than a century ago
Liberal chancellor David Lloyd George proposed a land tax more than a century ago Credit: George Rinhart/Corbis via Getty Images

Such a levy would be a flat tax charged annually based on the value of people’s land, and potentially the buildings on top of it.

The radical proposal has garnered surprisingly broad support, from John McDonnell, who once brandished a copy of Mao’s Little Red Book in the House of Commons, to a former adviser to Rishi Sunak.

Campaign group Fairer Share is preparing to send a joint letter from a variety of cross-party MPs and peers to the Chancellor in the next month, calling on her to look at the idea. Supporters of the campaign include Labour peer Dame Margaret Hodge and Kevin Hollinrake, shadow business secretary.

Writing in the Financial Times earlier this month, Charles Goodhart, former Bank of England economist, argued that Reeves has “the best chance since Lloyd George” of introducing a land tax.

Labour has a massive majority and the House of Lords is no longer as dominated by Tory peers as it was back in 1909, he told The Telegraph.

Punishing the wealthy

Supporters argue that a land tax could simultaneously unlock growth and provide additional revenue for the Treasury.

But overhauling the system would punish wealthy land and property owners from Wimbledon to Windsor. If it were done wrong, it could also trigger a heavy slump in property prices that would hurt anyone on the property ladder.

Even many critics of a land tax agree, however, that our existing system of property taxation is a mess.

Stamp duty is only charged when people buy a house and therefore discourages people from moving, making both our housing market and labour force less efficient.

Council tax is based on property valuations from 1991 and contributes to major regional inequalities.

In Westminster, one of the richest boroughs in the country, the annual council tax bill for a typical home this year is £973. By contrast, in Hartlepool, a heavily deprived part of the country, homeowners in the equivalent tax band are charged £2,278.

“Imagine if Labour were to serve two terms – that 10 years of government would take us to 2034,” says George Dibb, associate director of economic policy at the Institute for Public Policy Research (IPPR).

“We’d be looking at using property valuations that were more than 40 years old for council tax. That just seems utterly unfeasible to me.”

Then there are business rates, a land-based tax for businesses that critics say is out of date and doesn’t reflect the rise of online shopping nor the declining value of high street premises.

Supporters of reform put forward several possible solutions.

Stuart Adam, senior economist at the Institute for Fiscal Studies and an author of the 2011 Mirrlees Review of the tax system, argues that the best route would be taxing the value of both land and buildings for residential property, while only taxing land for business properties.

Goodhart argues tax should only be imposed on the value of land, not the buildings on it, so as not to discourage construction.

Fairer Share argues that some tax needs to be imposed on buildings otherwise local authorities with very low land values would receive too little council tax.

It proposes scrapping council tax and stamp duty and replacing both with a flat 0.48pc rate across the whole value of a home.

Winners and losers

There would be winners and losers. Analysis for Fairer Share found its proposals would mean a tax cut for 77pc of the country and a rise for 23pc.

Residents in the City of London, Westminster and Wimbledon would see the largest proportions of homeowners losing out.

A typical homeowner in north Cornwall would save on average £700 per year while a typical homeowner in Kensington would see their tax bill go up by £1,100.

North Cornwall street
A typical homeowner in North Cornwall would save on average £700 per year Credit: John Lawrence

Fairer Share has suggested capping the extra cost for wealthier households at £1,200 per year until a person moves and gets the benefit of paying no stamp duty.

Land tax has widespread support on the Left.

John McDonnell, the former shadow chancellor and now an independent MP, is president of the Labour Land Campaign, which has campaigned for a land tax since the 1990s.

The centrist Tony Blair Institute (TBI) has in recent years also called to “shift the balance of taxation away from earned income towards unearned income and land and property”.

“The UK’s warped system of property taxation is in urgent need of reform – the current system is a constraint on growth,” says Thomas Smith, the TBI’s director of economic policy.

Surprisingly, there is serious support on the Right too.

Tom Clougherty, formerly head of tax at the Centre for Policy Studies and now head of the Right-wing Institute of Economic Affairs, has called for land-based taxes very similar to the proposals put forward by Adam at the IFS.

Tim Leunig, a former adviser to Rishi Sunak, last week published a paper with the centre-Right think tank Onward calling for stamp duty and council tax to be replaced with two separate forms of a proportional property tax.

He argued for council tax and stamp duty to be scrapped and replaced with both a local and national land tax.

Reeves may be being presented with the idea closer to home.

Reeves has made clear that tax rises will be in pipeline in her maiden Budget in October
Reeves has made clear that tax rises will be in pipeline in her maiden Budget in October Credit: Kirsty O'Connor/Treasury

In 2021, IPPR published a report arguing that replacing stamp duty and council tax with a combined property and land tax would address inequality and build a stronger economy. Carys Roberts, the think tank’s former executive director, was hired as a special adviser in the Downing Street Policy Unit in July.

The Labour manifesto did not discuss residential property taxes, bar a plan to add one percentage point to stamp duty rates for overseas buyers. It did promise to “replace the business rates system, so that we can raise the same revenue but in a fairer way”.

The Treasury declined to comment on whether the Chancellor is considering a land tax.

Reeves has made clear that tax rises will be in the pipeline at the Budget as she scrambles to fill a £22bn blackhole in the public finances. But most of the economists backing property tax reform argue that it should be revenue neutral at least initially.

Using land tax as a revenue raiser would be potentially destabilising if it were introduced too fast. Goodhart calculated that raising £22bn immediately through a land value tax would trigger a 7pc drop in property prices.

Andrew Dixon, founder of Fairer Share, isn’t holding his breath.

“I don’t think, at this stage, she will be brave enough to tackle the property tax issue,” he says of Reeves.

But he adds: “The thing that may sway it is the need for growth.”