Quote of the day

“I find economics increasingly satisfactory, and I think I am rather good at it.”– John Maynard Keynes

Thursday, 26 May 2022

Good monetarist article, highly relevant

 

The monetarists were right about inflation, but now they have a very different warning

Folklore has it that monetarists are hard-money evangelists, always on the hawkish side. They are nothing of the sort

Andrew Bailey with president of the Deutsche Bundesbank Joachim Nagel (left) and Germany's finance minister Christian Lindner (right)
Andrew Bailey with president of the Deutsche Bundesbank Joachim Nagel (left) and Germany's finance minister Christian Lindner (right) CREDIT: REUTERS/BENJAMIN WESTHOFF

Monetarists are suddenly the new superstars, and deservedly so. The score of the last 20 months is nul points for the hegemonic New Keynesian group-think: douze points for the forgotten quantity theory of money.

The tiny fraternity of monetarists who track esoteric M1, M3, M4 "aggregates" warned in late 2020 that the money supply across the West was becoming unhinged, and that this in turn was incubating double-digit inflation — or something close — with the typical lag of one to two years.

They argued correctly that the "velocity" of money would recover as western economies reopened, turbo-charging the enlarged stock of money. They expected the price shock to hit with full force more or less now.

They made these predictions before the war in Ukraine and before the global manufacturing supply-chain was again ruptured by China’s zero-Covid debacle. The sheer scale of combined fiscal and monetary stimulus would have guaranteed a price spike whatever else happened.

The central bank alibi does not withstand cross-examination. The monetarist vindication is total.

It is not a case of stuck clocks being right twice a day, as critics derisively assert. Genuine monetarists such as Tim Congdon and Juan Castaneda from the Institute of International Monetary Research supported quantitative easing after the Lehman crisis.

They did not claim that QE and zero rates then would lead to galloping inflation. How could it when the banking system was then broken, and regulators were forcing lenders to raise their capital buffers "pro-cyclically" into an economic depression? Asset purchases were absolutely necessary to prevent a contraction of the broad money supply (M3 in the US, and M4x in the UK).

Whether or not QE is inflationary depends on the circumstances, and these were very different in early 2020 when Covid struck. By then the banks were in rude good health.

It was already clear that broad money was catching fire before the Bank of England pushed through an extra £150bn package of asset purchases for good measure in November 2020. “It was an unforgivable mistake”, said Prof Congdon.  

The monetarists were right too just before the global financial crisis, and that episode has resonance today. 

This newspaper published a piece in July 2008 with the headline “Monetarists warn of crunch across Atlantic economies”. It began with the following two paragraphs. I was the author, so I remember it.

“The money supply data from the US, Britain, and now Europe, has begun to flash warning signals of a potential crunch. Monetarists are increasingly worried that the entire economic system of the North Atlantic could tip into debt deflation over the next two years if the authorities misjudge the risk.

“The key measures of US cash, checking accounts, and time deposits have been contracting in real terms for several months. A dramatic slowdown in Britain's broader M4 aggregates is setting off alarm bells here.”

It quoted dire warnings from Prof Congdon, from the shadow monetary policy committee hosted by the Institute of Economic Affairs, and from Roger Bootle at Capital Economics. Two months later Lehman Brothers collapsed and the western credit system suffered its near fatal heart attack.

What were the big central banks doing at that time? They were not looking at money. They were instead fretting about high oil prices and the risk of inflationary psychology feeding into expectations.

The Federal Reserve’s Ben Bernanke was tightening policy by word of mouth, talking up the yield curve by 100 basis points, even though Fannie Mae and giant pillars of the US financial system were already crumbling. 

The European Central Bank actually raised interest rates into the teeth of the storm, after Germany and Italy had already tipped into recession.

The central bank fraternity got it disastrously wrong. For chapter and verse, read the Great Recession by Robert Hetzel, the insider account by a senior Fed economist. 

The moral of the story is that monetarism may not be exact science — lag times are famously "long and variable" — but you ignore major monetary signals at your peril.

Has the economic establishment learned a lesson? No, it still ignores the monetary data, and still dismisses monetarists as little better than soothsayers.

The Fed no longer publishes key M2 and M3 data. 

The ECB has forgotten that it even has a monetary pillar under its twin-pillar mandate. 

Everybody worships at the New Keynesian altar, in thrall to the canonical "dynamic stochastic general equilibrium" (DSGE) model of Ivy league academia and modern central banking.

If monetarists have been right repeatedly at critical turning points, it behooves us to listen to what they are saying now, and crucially to understand what they are not saying. 

Folklore has it that monetarists are hard-money evangelists, always on the hawkish side. They are nothing of the sort.

They follow a mathematical lodestar wherever it takes them, and over the last few months they have become increasingly worried that we will swing too fast from monetary bubble to monetary bust. What scares them is mounting evidence that the aggregates are buckling across the G7 economies.  

They fear that central banks will again ignore the signals and hit the brakes after a cyclical economic downturn is already underway. In short, the monetarists are today's doves.

As you can see from the accompanying chart, from Julian Jessop, M4x growth in the UK has already returned to moderate levels. Inflation is likely to follow suit with the usual delay. Prices will settle down gradually without the need for scorched-earth policies. Goods prices are already falling in the UK on a month-to-month basis.

The danger is that the DSGE staff models that gave us much of today's inflation will ineluctably give us tomorrow's slump. If you think the cost of living shock is calamitous, just wait until that shoe drops.

Simon Ward from Janus Henderson says his key measure of the money supply — six-month real money (annualised) — is now sharply negative across the fourteen largest developed (G7) and emerging market (E7) economies.

“Current weakness is more pronounced than before the 2001 recession and almost on a par with early 2008 before the escalation of the financial crisis,” he said.

This does not automatically imply a bloodbath but it would be reckless for central banks to do what they seem intent on doing, which is to ram through staccato rate rises and a sudden lurch from QE to QT (quantitative tightening) in a bid to restore lost credibility.

The Fed’s Jay Powell professed an intent this week to raise rates beyond “neutral” — as if the Fed staff know what that is — and to inflict “some pain” to stop inflation becoming entrenched. This is on top of draining global dollar liquidity by $95bn a month through asset sales.  

Mr Powell was telling markets that there is no longer a "Fed Put" to protect them. The institution is deliberately engineering a stock market slide to cool the economy.

This is the same Fed that insisted through 2020 and 2021 that inflation was well-anchored and that any spike was “transitory”. It now thinks it can control a calibrated market crash.

Such hawkishness beggars belief, given that the US economy shrank in the first quarter. The Fed’s own Beige Book is full of disturbing nuggets, including warnings that firms are planning “some attrition to reduce staff size”.

The US National Federation of Independent Business index is a little frightening. The numbers expecting the economy to improve have fallen to the lowest ever recorded, lower than the Lehman crisis and lower than the Volcker squeeze in the 1980.

It beggars even more belief that ECB governors have begun talking of 50 point rate rises just as the eurozone economy wilts — if it isn’t already in recession — with fast-track rate rises over coming months, and asset sales coming into the picture. 

One thing is for sure: it will not happen because such a pace of tightening would tip the eurozone into a fresh debt crisis before getting there.

I am less pessimistic about the Bank of England, provided it is not bounced into overkill by a backbench mob. 

The Bank is paying at least some attention to monetary data. Governor Andrew Bailey is more likely than others to spot the dangers and to take evasive action, subject to the exchange rate constraint. 

It is tight fiscal policy in the UK that is the greater worry.

The monetarist fall from grace over recent decades has been strange. Yes, there were measurement problems in the 1980s but monetary analysis is rooted in the classical tradition of economics. John Maynard Keynes was a monetarist in much of his thinking.

Milton Friedman’s oeuvre with Anna Schwartz — A Monetary History of the United States — is still the definitive text on the causes of the Great Depression. 

It concluded that monetary overkill by the Fed caused the collapse of the banking system and was the real culprit, not capitalism itself as the Left furiously asserted.

It is time to bring monetarists back in from the cold. Is it too much to ask that central banks in charge of money actually look at money? And why is there not a single monetarist on the UK’s Monetary Policy Committee? 

You'll have to look for the nuggets in here for Paper 2

 

The world’s financial system is entering dangerous waters again, warns guru of the Lehman crisis

Columbia professor Adam Tooze: ‘We don't know what is going to break until it does, but there are a lot of reasons to worry’

world economic forum
The 51st annual meeting of the World Economic Forum in Davos on 22 May 2022 CREDIT: LAURENT GILLIERON/EPA-EFE/Shutterstock

If anybody knows where the points of maximum stress lie as monetary tightening collides with epic levels of global debt, it is the man who wrote the definitive opus on the last traumatic blow-up in 2008.

Columbia professor Adam Tooze is the rising star of the Davos circuit. His book Crashed: How a Decade of Financial Crises Changed the World is a superb forensic analysis of the political and economic brew that led to the meltdown of the western banking system, and led to the Lost Decade that followed, with invidious consequences for Western liberal democracies.

There is a frighteningly-long list of shoes to drop as inflation finally forces central banks to do what they desperately wish not to do, which is to yank away the debt shield that lulled both investors and the political class into a false sense of security.

"We don't know what is going to break until it does, but there are a lot of reasons to worry, and there is going to be severe stress," he said on the eve of the World Economic Forum, the conclave of the great and the good in Davos.

The global economy has never been so sensitive to the slightest change in borrowing costs. The Institute of International Finance says global debt has reached 348pc of GDP since the pandemic. It was 269pc at the peak of the last debt bubble in 2007.

The perennial locus of trouble is Europe's half-built monetary union, where the bond-buying spree of the European Central Bank has mopped up Club Med (and French) debt issuance as if there was no tomorrow, and tomorrow has now arrived. 

"Could Italy get bad quickly? Yes, it certainly could," he said.

Italy's 10-year bond yields have tripled this year to 3pc. Risk spreads have ballooned to 200 basis points, higher than they were when Mario Draghi was drafted by the political elites to save the country.

Prof Tooze said the ECB has no credible mechanism to defend the southern European states as QE winds down.

"They're talking about a 'spread-management' instrument and telling us they've got a magic bullet, but the markets don't believe it," he said.

Such an instrument, if it ever emerges, moves beyond anything plausibly billed as monetary policy. It looks like a naked rescue of insolvent sovereign states in breach of EU treaty law, and invites a challenge at the German Constitutional Court. It is anathema for northern hawks alarmed by the ECB's slide into fiscal dominance.

"We all know that if there was a legal way to control yields they would already have used it. So it is just sleight of hand," he said. The ECB can "skew" the reinvestment of its existing portfolio to vulnerable countries but that is a token gesture.

A fresh spasm of Club Med debt angst is coming as market vigilantes test the ECB's ability to act. The exchange rate will take the strain: Europe's €2 trillion investment giant Amundi says it expects the euro to hit parity against the dollar this year.

Prof Tooze does not think euroland will disintegrate. Europe's leaders cannot let that happen, but neither will they resolve the incoherence of an orphan currency union without fiscal union. "The whole eurozone has been in suspended disbelief for years. It ought to blow up but it never does because somehow they find ways to improvise," he said.

That does not exclude a crisis along the way, and Italy is the stand-out candidate because it has incendiary politics as well as zero trend growth and a debt ratio of 151pc of GDP. The unelected Mr Draghi will soon be gone and the eurosceptic hard-Right leads the polls. Markets will test that too.

The silver lining is that inflation works wonders for debt-dynamics. It erodes the real burden of legacy borrowing through the denominator effect. People across the West should stop fretting about the CPI horror story and remember that bond holders — with broad-shoulders — are paying the main tab for the pandemic.

"Two or three years of inflation above 5pc is beneficial: it burns off the debt. But you have to protect vulnerable people from real income losses. That is a poverty problem, and there are policies to address it," he said.

The UK is assuredly not addressing it. The Government is pushing through the fastest fiscal retrenchment in the developed world seemingly in the belief that public debt is nearing a critical threshold, or judging that mid-sized open economies with big trade deficits cannot take risks.

"It is a rerun of the 2010 panic, but without the rhetoric. I don't see how they are going to build a working class coalition like this," he said.

The arguments over austerity have never been settled. There is a persuasive case that a fiscal squeeze at the wrong moment and at the wrong therapeutic dose is counter-productive on its own terms. It does not lower the debt ratio more than would otherwise occur, leaving aside the lost economic growth and social misery caused along the way.

America is doing its own variant of austerity-lite, swinging abruptly from eye-watering deficits to a negative fiscal impulse, but not because the White House has chosen to do so. Joe Biden cannot get his spending packages through Congress.

Prof Tooze said the Rooseveltian $6 trillion New Deal proclaimed during those hubristic halcyon days of early Bidenism have sputtered out.

"It’s completely collapsed. The Democrats are going to face a massive defeat in the midterms this autumn, and they'll have trouble holding the White House," he said.  

"All they have really done is the Recovery Act, which is really just sending out cheques, and a bit of infrastructure. In the end, Biden is going to achieve less than Obama," he said.

He does not buy the line that America is roaring back at the head of a resurgent West, even if the autocracies have suffered a crushing reverse over recent months. “I see America as the huge weak link," he said.

He broadly subscribes to the Fukuyama thesis that the American body politic is by now so rotten within, so riddled with the cancer of identity politics that it is developing a paranoid loser's view of the world. The storming of Congress was not so much an aberration under this schema, but rather the character of modern America.

His opinion is pertinent since one of his early classics, The Deluge: The Great War and the Making of the Global Order, 1916-1931, was about the rise of America as the global hegemon.

Another of his books, The Wages of Destruction: The Making and Breaking of the Nazi Economy, is about the failed attempt by the authoritarians to hurl themselves against this Anglo-Saxon domination.

Prof Tooze blames the disintegration of Sino-US ties largely on American petulance, describing China's sins of copyright theft and piracy as the methods of catch-up economies through the ages. 

"The escalation was driven by an American backlash. What the US has done on microchips and technology is basically a declaration of war on China. Taking down Huawei was a spectacular act of aggression.”

Nor does he accept that China is falling into the middle income trap. It will recover from the housing bubble, the tech crash, and zero-Covid, because the fundamentals remain intact. 

Beijing has invested massively in STEM education — science, technology, engineering, and maths — the foundation disciplines of ascendant nations.  

China has escaped the curse of identity politics, albeit by totalitarian means. It has the incalculable resource of what Hegel called "disposition" or what we might call patriotism. "China can call on all its citizens and mobilise the flows of labour in ways that almost no other country can," he said.

This is not, on balance, my view. I think the US will again heal itself and that China’s sorpasso will fall short as the country succumbs to Japanification and slowly fades into old age. But there is a high risk that Prof Tooze’s deep pessimism on America may be all too close to the mark.

Sunday, 22 May 2022

Useful content on what makes for a good investment environment

 From today's Sunday Times.


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ROBERT COLVILE

Bosses can’t enter French airspace without being hijacked by Macron, and they love it

The Sunday Times
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‘The true driver of growth is not government. It is the energy and dynamism and originality of the private sector.” Boris Johnson’s address to the CBI in November will live in infamy as “the Peppa Pig speech”. But his remarks as a whole were intended to make a profound point. It is not just rather wonderful that a pig that looks like a hairdryer has become a business worth £6 billion and counting. It is that post-Brexit Britain will prosper only if it is hospitable to innovation and entrepreneurship — the kind of innovation, as he pointed out, that saved countless lives during the Covid crisis.

Yet since the referendum the signals we have been sending business have been mixed — to put it politely.

For the past few months I’ve been working on a project with my colleagues at the Centre for Policy Studies think tank, supported by Shore Capital. We have spoken to more than 100 senior decision-makers, controlling hundreds of billions of pounds in capital, about what they think of Britain as an investment destination. It is, as far as we’re aware, the largest such exercise anyone has carried out. And the overwhelming message of the report, which is published tomorrow, is that Britain has been gradually becoming a worse place to put your money.

This verdict was all the more powerful for being fairly measured. People didn’t start ranting to us about Brexit. They didn’t excoriate the government. They talked about Britain’s natural advantages, its strengths in all manner of sectors, the high level of investment it attracts and how it was still a much more attractive destination on many fronts than its rivals in Europe.

But they also talked about the burden of tax. The safety-first culture of regulation. The planning system. The lack of certainty. How the government still hasn’t set out an irresistible narrative about post-Brexit Britain as an investment destination. How Whitehall departments never seem to talk to one another. About a hundred niggly things, from queues at Heathrow to limits on investment schemes, that we could be doing better.

To see why they may have a point, consider the chancellor’s own address to the CBI, at its annual dinner last week. The headlines blared: “Sunak vows to cut business taxes”. But that isn’t what he was promising at all.

Yes, the chancellor did promise new tax breaks for business investment in the autumn. That’s very good news: the woeful level of such investment is one of our biggest economic problems. But these new rates will be a replacement for the temporary “super-deduction” brought in to juice corporate spending during the pandemic. They may be more generous. They will probably be less so.

And then, next April, comes the real stinger: a six-point increase in corporation tax for firms making more than £250,000 in profit. This is a great big thumping tax rise on business. By the end of this parliament it will earn the Treasury more than £17 billion a year.

That isn’t the end of it. Last month the government made the extremely sensible decision to protect low and middle earners from its national insurance rises (a compromise first suggested in this column). But the hike in the other half of national insurance, paid by employers, went ahead as planned.

Similarly, the energy price cap has helped to protect consumers from soaring gas prices — even if it does not feel that way. But there is no cap for businesses, which have been exposed to the full horror in the markets.

Then there is the debate over a windfall tax on energy companies. This measure remains what it always has been — economically damaging, fiscally insignificant (when compared with the scale of the cost-of-living crisis) and politically irresistible.

Those in No 10 are right when they resist such a tax as “un-Conservative”. But how Conservative was it to raise the prospect in the first place, to force energy companies to increase investment? As with Michael Gove’s arm-twisting of the housebuilders on cladding, the quid pro quo was very clear: do what we want, or we’ll tax you. In other words: nice dividend you’ve got there. Shame if anything happened to it.

It’s easy to see why each of these decisions has, individually, been made. The government needs to repay the enormous costs of the pandemic. Taxing businesses is a lot more popular than taxing consumers. The Treasury thinks George Osborne reduced corporation tax too much anyway. We do need massive investment in energy to cut costs, cut carbon and cut out Putin.

But, taken as a whole, it’s hardly an agenda that puts business first — or encourages it to move here.

It’s not just about policy, though. What many of our interviewees talked about was the importance of culture, tone and narrative. Of the pro-business agenda being consistently championed from the top.

The example that came up constantly was Emmanuel Macron. Apparently, a chief executive can hardly cross into French airspace these days without having their plane diverted to the Elysée Palace. One business leader told us that invitations to the president’s latest glitzy investment summit at Versailles went out within hours of his re-election — with follow-up emails sent to junior colleagues to make sure the message had landed.

Britain put on its own investment gala in October, featuring dinner at Downing Street and tea with the Queen. But we aren’t holding another on the same scale until 2023. The prime minister has a crowded priority list, but he proved as mayor of London that, when he puts his back into it, there are few people better at wooing business — or championing wealth creation.

Many people in No 10 and the Treasury, at very high levels, completely get the importance of this agenda. The creation of the Office for Investment has been widely praised, as has the chancellor’s proposed reform of financial regulation. But we need to make it an absolute priority.

Shouting to the world that Britain is a resolutely, implacably and vocally pro-business country isn’t the kind of thing that wins votes, though I wish it were. But it’s the only way to generate the growth that votes come from. One of the key points from our research is that investors want to buy into success: the more business-friendly Britain is, the more dynamic our domestic economy, the more the world’s best companies and talent will want to come on board.

As one of our interviewees said, complaining about the slow pace of post-Brexit reform: “On much of this stuff, everyone knows what needs to be done. We need to get on and do it.” Amen.