Quote of the day

“I find economics increasingly satisfactory, and I think I am rather good at it.”– John Maynard Keynes

Friday 28 February 2020

Short, smart article on investment - THIS COULD BE YOUR CONCLUSION!

Leave aside whether the whole enterprise is worth undertaking for a moment and consider this complaint about climate change in isolation:
British companies are lagging far behind their European neighbours in low-carbon investment after contributing only 3% of the continent’s €124bn (£104.2bn) green spending last year.
A report has revealed that German-listed companies invested 11 times more in low-carbon investments such as electric vehicles, renewable energy and smart energy grids than UK firms.
London-listed companies spent €4bn on green research and technologies compared with €44.4bn from German groups, including the carmaker Volkswagen, which invested more than a third of Europe’s total low-carbon spending in 2019.
There’s the obvious point that a maker of cars shifting to making battery powered cars is going to invest quite a lot in the process. And also that the major manufacturers of cars in the UK (say, Nissan and Jaguar Land Rover) aren’t actually listed in London which is going to rather skew those figures.
Instead concentrate upon the complaint there. Those people over there are spending more than these here, isn’t that terrible? The answer being no, not at all. What is wanted is a reduction in emissions, not lots spent on attempting to reduce emissions. We’re interested in the effectiveness, the end result, not the effort put in.
And the thing is, the UK has reduced and is reducing emissions rather more than Germany. That it’s doing so at lower cost shows that it is reducing emissions rather better than Germany.
Thus neatly proving one of the points made in the Stern Review. Planning is less efficient than market processes suitably prompted. Therefore we should use market processes suitably adjusted to deal with this problem, as with near all others, rather than planning. Because less efficient means more expensive and humans tend to do less of more expensive things, more of cheaper. Using the more efficient market processes - suitably adjusted - means that more climate change mitigation will take place. Use the system that reduces emissions more cheaply and more emissions reduction will take place.
That the UK reduces emissions more at lower cost than Germany means that Germany should be adopting our methods, not we Germany’s spending.
But then logic is in short supply in this discussion, isn’t it?

Thursday 27 February 2020

Great idea for housing

Liam Halligan  in FT

The UK has built three million too few houses over the past 30 years, reducing owner-occupancy from 73% in 2007 to 63% today – below the average that prevails in the European Union, says Liam Halligan. We need “radical reform on the supply side”, where the “nub of the problem is our opaque, dysfunctional land market”. Land values can rocket when planning permissions are granted and the “planning gain” accrues solely to landowners and housing developers, which are an oligopoly: the top ten build two-thirds of new supply, and sometimes stage go-slows to maximise profits by producing fewer houses so that prices continue to climb. The planning gain should be shared with local authorities on a 50-50 basis, as is the case in much of the world. That would make land cheaper, houses more affordable and produce cash to build schools and hospitals. New homes would become much more popular with locals, “transforming the fraught local politics of planning”. Meanwhile, much of the supposed greenbelt should be developed. It now covers 13% of the country, while houses and gardens comprise just 1%. Forget a “spiteful” mansion tax: “tackle the vested interests” instead.

Monday 24 February 2020

CapX is really excellent reading - employment & immigration gold:

Less low-skilled migration means we can no longer ignore Britain’s NEETs

By Sam Windett
Recently on this site, Kristian Niemietz argued that the reforms to low-skilled immigration would ultimately lead to fewer pubs and fewer restaurants. As a pub and restaurant fan, I am pleased to say that while this is one possible outcome, it is not inevitable.
The issue is that the piece only takes into account the immigration reforms in isolation. While they do amount to a labour supply shock, there are several possible responses to this.
One option would be for businesses to invest in machines and technology to replace some or all of the labour they are missing out on. Given longstanding concerns about UK productivity, this is probably no bad thing. But it is not enough on its own – there are no robot waiters ready to step in and save restaurants and pubs.
But another option is to invest in underutilised parts of our own existing potential labour supply. The ONS estimates there are 800,000 young people aged 16-24 currently not in employment, education or training (NEET). This represents the equivalent of several years’ worth of immigration, and of course there’s a steady pipeline of teenagers needing jobs in the years ahead, over and above those that will already transition from education to employment. How can we ensure more of these young people work in the roles that employers currently fill through immigration?
For a start, it’s worth saying that this will cost money. Clearly, the reason we currently have low-skilled immigration is because it is easier and cheaper for businesses to use than making use of the pool of available young people. But this is, at least in part, the rationale for the policy change – it forces us as a society to invest more in an active labour market policy.
This investment is necessary because many young people sit just outside of employment. Maybe they need a confidence boost to persevere with a job search and to be able to take those early steps into the world of work. Maybe they need slightly more support to actually decide what kind of work they want to do, and find it.
Sometimes the barriers to employment are bigger and aren’t actually about work at all. For example, some young people have caring responsibilities or health conditions which can require in-work support and job flexibility. Some young people know what apprenticeship they want to, do but need their maths GCSE to be able to start it. There are many specialists in the charity, public and private sectors who can deliver the many different types of support needed.
My organisation, Impetus, funds a charity called Resurgo, which has expanded throughout London and beyond to reach 780 young people a year. Next week we’re publishing research that shows that the young people Resurgo work with are around twice as likely to successfully transition into the workplace as their peers without that help.
Paying for all this work does not necessarily need to be a dramatic additional cost on taxpayers, since it generates increased tax revenues in the short term. And in the long term you can expect to see significant savings by avoiding the worse health and work outcomes of young people who spend much of their youth being out of work and education.
In some places, its already happening. The Greater Manchester Combined Authority is calling for project proposals to do exactly this work. And we could look to allow businesses to spend some of their apprenticeship levy on things like work readiness, and more support at the start of an apprenticeship to help young people succeed.
Both Home Secretary Priti Patel and Business Secretary Alok Sharma are former Ministers for Employment. They’ve both heard from support providers about the challenges they face, and seen first-hand how disjointed Whitehall is on some of these issues. I know “more joined up government” is an eyeroll-inducing cliché, but this agenda touches on conversations about inclusive growth, levelling up, shared prosperity. Immigration reform makes it even more imperative that the government develops a coherent and cross-cutting strategy, rather than allowing six different departments to continue operating in isolation.
And one part of that strategy has to be in-work progression. We’re talking about 800,000 young people who seem to have been largely forgotten. We can’t simply move them all from being out of work to being in low-skilled employment and then forget about them again. These jobs need to be first jobs, that lead on to somewhere better. That’s what I suspect happened to most people reading this article. It’s certainly what you’d want for your own kids.
The government has made a decision about the future of low-skilled immigration. But change can present opportunities as well as challenges. So let’s work to support young people into work – and then let’s all go down the pub to toast their success.

Saturday 22 February 2020

Housing - rent caps

Rent caps are back as Berlin forgets the lessons of economic history




Rent protest
Rent caps are always popular, and they always fail CREDIT: FILM STILLS

IIt is a painful and tantalising fantasy at the end of the month to imagine one could click one’s fingers and find prices miraculously lowered.
Like winning the Lottery, our material woes would disappear.
Jeremy Corbyn held out this promise to voters - instead of clicking fingers, simply place an ‘X’ next to the Labour candidate, and he could come in and lower rents. Higher wages were also on the menu for good measure.
History tells us this is foolish and self-defeating: when rents are capped, landlords stop investing in their properties. If they cannot pass costs of maintenance on to tenants, they stop maintaining the property.

Rental life deteriorates, and renting becomes associated with poverty and misery.
These lessons are forgotten rapidly, and perhaps understandably by renters who are either young or pressed by high bills or both.
As a result people regularly fall for it.
Its planned cap is being introduced because “we don’t want to end up like London”, in the words of the country’s finance minister.
The scheme caps rents based on a combination of factors including historic rents and wage rises. It applies to pre-2014 properties, stopping landlords raising rents above a set level and potentially allowing tenants to get their current rents lowered, with a focus on those whose current rents are more than 20pc above the incoming cap.
Economists at the Ifo Institute have studied the market and discovered the radical extent of the scheme: rents on 96.7pc of all apartments on the market are above the cap.
In more than four-fifths of all cases, they exceed the cap by more than 20pc.
This has already affected rents in the city, which are rising more slowly than those in other regions.
By contrast rents on newer properties are surging ahead, as they will not be controlled by the rules.
It typically means expensive and fashionable apartments are more expensive than ever. Less desirable properties will only become more so, as landlords investing.
Once the cap kicks in, the economists expect a flood of sales of flats as landlords find continued ownership is not worth their while.
That means fewer opportunities for tenants to rent price-controlled property, pushing them towards either ever-more poorly maintained flats, or the increasingly expensive areas without controls.
Congratulations to the Berlin authorities for trashing their fine city’s property market with little gain to anyone.
Britain had a lucky escape from rent controls when voters wisely rejected Corbyn, handing Labour its worst defeat since 1935 in December’s general election.
London has not dodged it yet - Sadiq Khan wants more power over tenants’ monthly bills, and is expected to make the policy a cornerstone of his mayoral reelection campaign later this year.
So the German capital’s example should be instructive: rent caps are no kind of solution.
They merely address one bad policy with another, piling mistake upon mistake.
Property prices and rents in London are high because of a lack of suitable properties in the right places, caused by ludicrously restrictive planning rules and an inflexible transport network.
We need to build more homes. Slapping caps on rents does nothing to cure the problem and end up making its symptoms worse.

Thursday 20 February 2020

Europe, Regulation & Big Tech - Essential A2 reading

An easy to read article on the developing EU approach to competition in the tech arena. Note the "fines don't work" section - great for essays on contestable markets & oligopolies:

EU seeks to break big tech monopolies

Yesterday the European Commission released a white paper titled 'A European strategy for data', in which it sought to shape the EU's stance on certain key digital issues, like artificial intelligence, data sharing, and facial recognition.
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Brussels sets out an ambitious strategy for legislation to contend with rapidly advancing technology and monopolistic big tech

Yesterday the European Commission released a white paper titled “A European strategy for data”, in which it sought to shape the EU’s stance on certain key digital issues, like artificial intelligence, data sharing, and facial recognition.
The document is a roadmap for legislation aimed at future-fitting the bloc for the digital age.
EU Commission Vice-President Margrethe Vestager has led the charge to enforce competition law and shape new European rules for the tech sector since December.
However, “After fining Google over $9 billion for anticompetitive behavior over the past three years, Ms. Vestager admitted that fines weren’t working and a broader regulatory approach was needed to change the behavior of big tech,” says The Wall Street Journal.
“She has learned that data is the fundamental issue and that what she’s done so far has not worked,” said Thomas Vinje, a partner at law firm Clifford Chance. Regulating how platforms use data “is the natural thing to do, but how this will be done still needs to be defined.”
The commission has learned a lot from its antitrust investigations - including those of Google, Qualcomm, Facebook, and Amazon - and has come to understand the centrality of data to these companies ongoing dominance in all aspects of their businesses, from machine learning and AI products to advertising revenue.
Opening up this trove of data could be of immense value to small European businesses, tech companies, and startups, who have to this point struggled to gain a foothold due to the overwhelming strength of American and Chinese giants.
“The high degree of market power resulting from the ‘data advantage’ can enable large players to set the rules on the platform and unilaterally impose conditions for access and use of data,” the report said.
“Our society is generating a huge wave of industrial and public data, which will transform the way we produce, consume and live,” said Thierry Breton, European industry chief, who unveiled the plans alongside Vestager.
“We recognise we missed the first battle, the battle of personal data,” he said, but “Europe has everything it takes to lead the ‘big data’ race, and preserve its technological sovereignty, industrial leadership and economic competitiveness to the benefit of European consumers.”
The proposed changes, which will result in legislation that is due to be drafted by the end of this year, have a wider social remit too, aiming to boost “the development of trustworthy technology to foster an open and democratic society and a vibrant and sustainable economy.”
The white paper raises the possibility of restrictions on facial recognition for mass surveillance, and on the machine learning technologies that surround it.
The plans are ambitious and likely to be well received by European business, but there remain concerns that making data public may stifle innovation by reducing financial incentives, and, furthermore, the commission’s new report may not go down well in the US.
“The commission’s proposals are likely to add to the growing sense of US irritation that Europe is picking on its tech champions,” says The Financial Times. “Just this week Mark Zuckerberg, Facebook chief executive, came to Brussels on a charm offensive only to receive a frosty reception from high-ranking officials who want the social media company to do more to police content on its platform.”

This article was from The Week and was legally licensed through the NewsCred publisher network. Please direct all licensing questions to legal@newscred.com.

Negative interest rates - helpful analysis

Hopefully you are developing stronger critical thinking skills; this should help.

Why Sweden calls its negative rate experiment a success

Sweden's Riksbank, the world's oldest central bank, was the first to take its main repurchase rate negative in early 2015, to fend off deflation.
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It is the biggest monetary policy experiment of modern times. One that has divided economists, central bankers and politicians. But now that Sweden has called a halt to its five-year trial with negative interest rates the serious work has begun on looking at whether it worked. 
Sweden’s Riksbank, the world’s oldest central bank, was the  first to take its main repurchase rate — at which commercial banks can both borrow or deposit money — negative in early 2015, to fend off deflation, only returning to zero in December. 
The  end of the Swedish experiment is being watched with intense fascination, not just by those central banks that still have negative rates such as the European Central Bank and Bank of Japan, but also by authorities and economists worldwide pondering how to respond to the next downturn with limited ammunition to stimulate the economy. 
For many, it is still too early to judge  whether negative rates have worked or caused lasting damage to the economy and finance sector. But, Jakob Carlsson, chief executive of the Swedish life insurer Lansforsakringar Liv, is in no doubt. He calls sub-zero rates “a mistake”, arguing that they force people to save more and spend less. “Sooner or later, we will have to pay the bill for this experiment of artificially created negative rates,” he says.
Eurozone banks say they have paid €25bn in negative rates to the ECB since it cut rates below zero in June 2014, eating into their already weak profits. Other areas of finance have also felt the strain — Dutch pension funds, only narrowly  avoided cutting payouts to pensioners last year after the government intervened to loosen rules.
“The ECB, the US Federal Reserve and the entire central bank community are watching very closely what is happening in Sweden, it is an interesting empirical example,” says Guntram Wolff, director of the Bruegel think-tank in Brussels. 
“The real question is whether a change in interest rates from negative to zero has an impact on inflation and economic growth.”
Negative rates turn the principles of finance on their head by forcing commercial banks to pay to store money at the central bank rather than earn interest on it. At the same time, some countries and companies have been paid to borrow. Most recently, some individuals across Europe have begun paying to deposit large sums of money in banks, while  mortgage borrowers in Denmark have received money from their house loans rather than having to pay interest. 
The idea behind the topsy-turvy policy is to encourage banks to lend more money instead of holding it at the central bank, thus stimulating the economy by also lowering financing costs for companies and households. Denmark, the eurozone, Japan and Switzerland still have negative rates but the evidence on whether they work — and with what side-effects — is still being collected. 
The ECB, which last year cut its deposit rate to a new low of minus 0.5 per cent, argues that without its actions the eurozone economy would today be almost 3 per cent smaller and have 2m fewer jobs. “Clearly everybody is going to look at what conclusions are drawn from that monetary policy reversal . . .
in Sweden, but I wouldn’t draw any conclusions as far as our policies are concerned,”  Christine Lagarde, president of the ECB, said in February. 
Ms Lagarde has, however, promised to study the  side-effects of negative rates, as part of a strategic review of monetary policy. “The longer our accommodative measures remain in place, the greater the risk that side-effects will become more pronounced,” she told the European Parliament. 

Negative rates

A brief history of extreme monetary policy

Jun 2014

The European Central Bank cuts its deposit rate below zero for the first time to -0.1 per cent

Jan 2015

The Swiss National Bank cuts its deposit rate into negative territory for the first time to -0.75 per cent

Feb 2015

The Riksbank becomes first central bank to cut its repo rate below zero while Danish deposit rates hit a world-record low of -0.75 per cent

Jan 2016

Japan introduces a negative interest rate for the first time of -0.1 per cent

Mar 2016

Norway cuts rates to a record low of 0.5 per cent, but never goes negative and starts hiking again in 2018

Aug 2019

The total amount of negative yielding debt peaks at $17tn

Aug 2019

Denmark’s Jyske Bank offers a 10-year mortgage at -0.5 per cent but also imposes negative rates on some rich individuals’ deposits

Sep 2019

US president Donald Trump calls on the Federal Reserve to cut interest rates to zero or below to enable the country to refinance its debts more cheaply
Stefan Ingves, governor of the Riksbank, argues that negative rates have been a success in Sweden. But he accepts that had they continued indefinitely they could have had a detrimental impact, raising questions about their future value to policymakers. 
The Riksbank introduced sub-zero rates in 2015, not due to weak growth — gross domestic product increased that year by 4.4 per cent in the EU member state — but because of the risk of deflation. Inflation dipped briefly below zero in 2014 and only returned to the Riksbank’s 2 per cent target at the end of 2017 when Sweden’s repo rate stood at a record low of minus 0.5 per cent. 
“Inflation actually came back. So in that respect, going negative made the whole thing work,” Mr Ingves says, stressing that quantitative easing — government bond-buying — also helped. “The issue for us hasn’t been to stay negative for longer than we needed to”. 
The Riksbank has been here before. Its 2010-11 decision to raise interest rates after the financial crisis was closely scrutinised. On that occasion it reversed course and cut rates again soon afterwards, drawing charges of “ sadomonetarism” from Nobel-prize winning economists and inspiring the Fed to slow its monetary tightening. 
Now, there are  questions being asked again after the Riksbank raised rates while the Swedish economy is slowing and inflation falling. Mr Ingves is clear that in a world wracked by economic uncertainty, “if the choice were to be at zero or slightly negative, to be at zero is a good place to be”. He argues that as Swedish growth has been stronger in recent years than the eurozone’s “it is not all that strange that we slightly distance ourselves from the eurozone”. 
Yet, some economists argue that the Riksbank may be forced to return to negative territory if the economy weakens or the sharp drop in inflation — the annual rate fell from 1.7 per cent to 1.2 per cent in January on the back of low energy prices — intensifies.
After five years of running a negative rates policy the Riksbank governor identifies several areas where, he believes, they could cause long-term problems. Top of the list is the banking system, where critics claim negative rates could weaken already struggling institutions, discouraging lending and prompting savers and companies to hoard cash. 
As a byproduct, Dietmar Schake, sales director of Burg-Wächter, says Germany’s largest safe manufacturer has benefited from a one-third increase in sales since the deposit rate at the ECB went below zero. “Customers prefer to keep their money at home rather than in their bank accounts, where negative interest rates are threatening,” he adds. 
Mr Ingves says Sweden’s banks have coped better than those in the eurozone because a lack of bad loans and lower costs mean their return on equity has stayed relatively high. But even here there is now relief. Johan Torgeby, chief executive of one of Sweden’s largest banks SEB, says lenders involved in fixed income “struggled for years” and calls the end of sub-zero rates “good news”. He adds: “We have never really understood what effect negative yields have on [boosting] consumption.”
He is not alone. One of the reasons the Riksbank gave for its decision to end negative rates was that the public struggled to understand the policy and thought it “strange”. 
Banks provide 80 per cent of loans to European companies and households, making them the main channel to transmit interest rate policy into the wider economy. The Association of German Banks said in a recent report that negative rates had cost eurozone lenders a total of €25bn since they were introduced. “This burden is depressing the profitability of the banks and will ultimately even constrain their lending capacity,” it warned. 
Much of the debate about negative rates hinges on the idea of a “reversal rate” below which lending activity by banks is subdued and starts to fall. 
Research published last year by Princeton University economists Markus Brunnermeier and Yann Koby found that many of the benefits of negative rates are front-loaded — such as gains in asset prices on bank balance sheets — while the corrosive side-effects last longer. 
Bank lending in the eurozone was, however, shrinking when the ECB first cut rates below zero in 2014 and has since rebounded. Household lending is up more than 12 per cent since negative rates started, while corporate lending has grown 3 per cent. The ECB has also taken action to soften the blow for the banking sector, including a “two-tier” deposit system that exempts some of the money it holds for banks from negative rates, while also offering them loans at sub-zero levels to stimulate lending. 
Among the big losers have been savers. With more than $13tn of bonds trading at negative yields, a growing number of pension funds, insurance companies, and banks are struggling to generate sufficient returns, raising doubts over some business models. 
Mr Ingves acknowledges that Swedish insurance companies are heavily exposed to stock markets, unlike many of their European rivals. While shares have gone up, that has been good news. “But if the stock market is down at some time in the future, then risks are going up, and that increases risk in the system as a whole,” he adds. 
Isabel Schnabel, a German economist who recently joined the ECB board, says that criticism of its monetary easing policies in her country “is all too often combined with claims and accusations that have no basis in fact”. While the average German saver is €500 out of pocket because of negative rates, Ms Schnabel says an average borrower is €2,000 better off and the overall gains outweigh the losses, with Berlin saving billions of euros on interest payments. 
Another risk from negative rates is that they inflate asset price bubbles, while also keeping alive  zombie companies  that without cheap money would collapse. In Sweden, the big concern has been the housing market, with Mr Ingves repeatedly issuing warnings about record levels of household debt. 
A series of measures to make mortgages harder to access have eased Swedish fears. The Riksbank recently changed its outlook on rates. Even when they were in negative territory, it always forecast future increases. But in December, it said rates would remain at zero for years until, in the words of Mr Ingves, “the fog lifts” and there is a clearer view of the  global economy. 
Gabriel Blir, an estate agent in central Stockholm, talks of the struggle he had to sell a flat bought near the peak of the market in 2016 for SKr4.5m. Two earlier attempts failed when bids went no higher than SKr4.2m but this month, after the Riksbank’s comments on rates, the flat was snapped up for SKr4.45m (€420,000). “When you hear that interest rates will stay low for years, it is a big safety net for buyers,” he says. 
Such anxieties feed into the larger debate over the efficacy of negative rates. “There is an increasing realisation that the negative side-effects of these policies are becoming more apparent . . . while the benefits in terms of raising inflation to central banks’ targets have not been achieved,” says Danae Kyriakopoulou, chief economist at central banking think-tank OMFIF. 
Policymakers at the ECB seem committed to sub-zero rates in their quest to lift inflation. “The overall macroeconomic effect of unconventional measures remains positive . . . there may be diminishing returns from negative rates, though we are not yet close to the reversal rate,” says Olli Rehn, head of Finland’s central bank and a member of the ECB governing council. “If needed, we have capacity to cut further.” 
Mr Ingves appears less sure of the use of negative rates in the future. He underscores that they could indeed go below zero in Sweden again if the economy deteriorates, but he stresses that in a sharp downturn additional policies would have to take more of the strain. 
“I think there actually is a lower bound for the policy rate,” he says, adding that he finds it difficult to envisage a rate of, say, minus 5 per cent. Instead he argues the central bank would have to use its balance sheet more. So too would the government, whose debt is forecast to fall to close to 30 per cent of GDP this year, low by European standards. 
His comments echo those of Ms Lagarde, who said in February: “Monetary policy cannot, and should not, be the only game in town”. 
Central bankers are closely monitoring how Sweden fares in its move to zero rates as the outlook for growth and inflation both there and in the rest of the world remains uncertain. 
“We look forward to a day when we can get out of negative rates,” says Philip Lane, chief economist of the ECB. “At some point, the comparison of benefits and costs is going to change . . . It is a lot easier to make that decision when inflation is closer to 2 per cent, as in Sweden, than when it is still too far away, as it is here [in the eurozone].”

This article was written by Martin Arnold and Richard Milne from The Financial Times and was legally licensed through the NewsCred publisher network. Please direct all licensing questions to legal@newscred.com.