Quote of the day

“I find economics increasingly satisfactory, and I think I am rather good at it.”– John Maynard Keynes
Showing posts with label borrowing. Show all posts
Showing posts with label borrowing. Show all posts

Friday, 10 January 2025

This explains what I have been talking about very clearly:

 

Labour Britain is the new ‘PIGS’ of the global markets

The UK has carelessly exposed itself as the weakest link in the G7 at a perilous moment

It is a near certain bet that Sir Keir Starmer will try to defy the bond vigilantes, hoping that global wealth funds will spot a bargain and start scooping up gilts at distressed prices without any need for Labour to change its current destructive course.

He may be lucky, but the international credibility of this Government is already holed below the waterline. A few more days like this week’s rolling debacle will force his hand.

“Financial players think they were taken for a ride by Rachel Reeves in her pre-election charm offensives, and they don’t like it,” said Bernard Connolly, a veteran adviser to hedge funds and central banks, through multiple debt crises.

“Treasury reassurances will not help. The real fear in markets is that there is a vicious circle in which low growth worsens debt problems. They increasingly fear that the Government can’t get a grip. Something needs to happen to change the narrative,” he said.

Feeding Rachel Reeves to the sharks might placate some, but it “might also make them smell blood in the water”, he said. The larger fundamental problem remains.

“This Government seems hell-bent on snatching defeat from every opportunity,” said Marc Ostwald, a bond specialist at ADM. “We were all hoping for stability after the incessant turmoil of the Tories, but it is now clear to markets that Labour don’t know what they are doing.”

The yield on 10-year gilts briefly touched 4.98pc on Thursday, nearing levels last seen in the late 1990s. “Once it slices through the psychological line of 5pc in a situation like this, the next stop can easily be 6pc. We’re not far away from the point when the Bank of England or the Treasury will have to come up with a circuit-breaker,” said Mr Ostwald.

It is no longer credible to argue that the UK is an innocent collateral casualty of the Trump effect and surging US Treasury yields. This country has carelessly exposed itself as the weakest link in the G7 at a perilous moment, just as international capital markets start to choke on the volumes of debt issuance across the world.

The UK has managed to make an even bigger mess of its fiscal reputation even than Emmanuel Macron’s France, which has no real government, no budget, worse debts and runaway fiscal deficits of 6pc of GDP. This is quite a feat.

The former “PIGS” of the eurozone debt crisis – Portugal, Italy, Greece and Spain – have all done better. Italy’s 10-year bond yields are today slightly lower than they were a year ago. They were then trading at the same level as equivalent gilts. As I write, Reeves must pay 130 basis points more than her Italian counterpart to borrow for 10 years.

“That tells you more than anything else what an absolute mess we have got ourselves into, and I don’t see how Labour can easily turn this around,” said Albert Edwards, global strategist for Société Générale.

We cannot keep fooling ourselves that higher borrowing costs chiefly reflect a perkier economy, with less risk of recessionary deflation than the becalmed eurozone. That comforting illusion died when Reeves talked the economy into zero growth with her mischievous black hole.

She kicked business in the teeth and concocted a Budget plan that borrows an extra £142bn over this parliament – and still ends up with a smaller economy and lower real living standards than would have been the case under Rishi Sunak.

It has taken just three months for the Chancellor to lift the toxic “term premium” on British bonds to levels that endanger this country’s long-term debt dynamics.

The widening gilt spread over Italian, French or Spanish bonds is doubly remarkable because the UK has what ought to be an advantage. The Bank of England can intervene at any moment to buy debt and burn speculators.

The European Central Bank is more constrained by the “no bailout” clause of the Maastricht Treaty. It can no longer get away with monetising the debts of southern Europe under the guise of quantitative easing, and it does not have the legal or political power to do so with its new anti-spread tool (TPI) except in extremis.

Yet traders are still betting more heavily against Reeves regardless.

Krishna Guha and Marco Casiraghi, from Evercore ISI, said the gilts sell-off has not yet reached “Liz Truss standards of crazy” but it is becoming serious enough to require an emergency response.

“We think the Bank of England should consider suspending quantitative tightening (reverse QE) if market pressures continue to build over the next few days, with more radical steps to buy gilts outright,” they said.

They warned that it is a dangerous time for sovereign borrowers to court fate because bond dealers everywhere are holding lower inventories than they used to, starving the market of liquidity and inviting spasms of debt stress.

Whether or not the Chancellor meets her fiscal rule is an entirely trivial question.

Global funds could not care less about this arcane British obsession. They care only whether they are being sufficiently rewarded to accept the credit risk of a country issuing £297bn of Treasury debt this fiscal year, and eye-watering sums thereafter, mostly for purposes that do not raise productivity or the UK’s economic speed limit.

Two thirds of extra borrowing is going on fatter pay for Labour’s friends – only a third is going on public investment, the turbo-charged part with a growth multiplier that pays for itself.

Is the yield high enough for a Japanese, Canadian or Saudi investor to justify the inflation risk, currency risk, and economic risk of funding a nation living beyond its means, with a chronic balance of payments deficit near 4pc of GDP, and a net international investment position of minus £1.05 trillion that is run by a political party with no collective experience of the real economic world?

Mr Connolly has a few words of advice from the world of global Big Money: cut corporation tax and freeze both public sector pay and recruitment. Not that he is expecting any such action. “The underlying situation – public finance, current account, productivity, investment, health service – is dreadful. It’s not Argentina territory but a chainsaw would be useful,” he said.

Labour is now hostage to world forces. Donald Trump and Elon Musk may relieve the pressure by slashing spending and tightening US fiscal policy more than markets expect. The Chinese “carry trade” may keep growing, funnelling more of the world’s trapped savings into global credit. Both effects would bring down bond yields for the rest of us.

But Labour has learnt that the Hobbesian hard-knuckled world of 2025 will not extend an unlimited credit line to a self-indulgent class-warfare party that borrows promiscuously to fund consumption, and does profoundly stupid things such as taxing child education and raising the marginal tax rate on small firms to exorbitant levels.

The sooner that Labour recognises the scale of its misjudgements, the more likely it is to earn a second chance.

Thursday, 7 November 2024

Credit for small businesses and innovation

 This is more for information and isn't really useful for essays per se; it would help if you wanted to talk about funding for investment, but you need to use it in very broad terms.


David Prosser author headshot

David Prosser

You may find it easier to secure funding than you imagine

New sources of finance

Banks have reduced lending to small companies, but there are alternatives

At first glance, the data on small-business finance looks worrying. A study by the British Business Bank suggests that lending to small businesses fell in every area of the country other than the southeast last year. That followed the experience of 2022, when lending fell in all regions. 

However, all may not be what it seems. The British Business Bank’s analysis is largely based on traditional forms of finance for small businesses: loans and overdrafts, often arranged through the business’s bank account provider. In recent years, we’ve seen a huge expansion in the range of finance on offer to small firms, often from new entrants very different to mainstream lenders.

A product launch last week from the payments company GoCardless is a good example of how the finance market is evolving. Since GoCardless processes millions of transactions for small companies using its services, it has a very good idea of how well they are trading. 

It is teaming up with a financial technology (fintech) partner to use this data to offer many of its small-business customers pre-approved capital facilities they can draw from when they need the money. Businesses pay a fee for the facility, rather than interest charges as with conventional finances, and don’t have to provide collateral or personal guarantees from directors.

Such support won’t show up in official data on credit but could be a much more effective and affordable way to secure funding for many businesses. It also widens the range of financing options available. That is important since traditional loans and overdrafts aren’t especially well-suited to many funding needs.

The rapid growth of invoice and asset finance is another example of how the funding environment for small businesses is evolving. Invoice finance enables businesses to borrow against the value of invoices outstanding from customers. Asset finance enables firms to borrow against their physical assets – either existing assets such as plant and machinery, or new assets, if they are borrowing to fund investment. Both can provide much more flexible access to finance.

We’re also seeing growth in the use of options such as merchant cash advances, available to businesses borrowing against future card transaction earnings, and fast application loans, which have some similarities to the payday loans previously available in the consumer finance market, albeit with more safeguards built into the products.

The rise of embedded finance also gives small businesses access to credit as they pursue growth. Embedded finance providers enable small companies to offer their customers the opportunity to spread payments for products over instalment plans, which can drive higher sales. The provider, rather than the business itself, takes the credit risk.

All of which is to say that headlines about lower lending to small businesses may be misleading. It’s certainly true that the supply of traditional credit has diminished in recent years; in truth, it never recovered from the global financial crisis more than 15 years ago, when banks started to reassess their attitude to risk. But demand for such credit is also down, partly because small businesses are realising there are often superior alternatives to the financing options of the past.

For businesses planning their financing – both day-to-day cash flow and longer-term growth finance – getting to grips with this broader range of choices is important. You may find it much easier to get funding than you imagine – and often through products and services that are a much better fit to the needs of your business.

Tuesday, 5 November 2024

This column about the budget could have been written for your mock essay:

 

Rachel Reeves thought she was being clever: punishment has been swift

The Chancellor’s tax-and-spend Budget has paved the way for an illusory boomlet to become a very real bust

It takes a miracle of bad composition to borrow an extra £140bn and still end up with lower growth and lower real living standards by the end of this parliament than would have been the case under Tory austerity.

The International Monetary Fund may profess satisfaction at this sorry state of affairs, but the lesson of fiscal upsets from Greece to Argentina is that the IMF can be the kiss of death.

Jagjit Chadha, director of the National Institute of Economic and Social Research, said acidly that Rachel Reeves would do better to come up with a coherent economic plan, and do “less gallivanting around the world seeking external validation from bodies who do not really understand what is happening in Britain”.

Global bond markets thought they were going to get a Nordic-style package of muscular but disciplined public investment. Instead they get an Old Labour package of tax and spend, with a dash of green Bidenomics. The debt vigilantes are not happy.

“When they looked at it in the cold light of day, they realised that the Budget won’t do what it says on the can,” said Marc Ostwald, a bond expert at ADM.

“The taxes crush small companies and can’t catalyse growth and investment. They just raise inflation,” he said.

It is oddly reminiscent of the Truss mini-Budget. Liz Truss flagged a series of measures that were more or less tolerated by the debt markets, but then triggered revulsion by springing large surprises on Budget day, and doing so in the middle of a wider global bond sell-off.

The wild moves in gilt prices over the last two trading sessions are of a different character to the global debt sell-off that has been rumbling for the last six weeks. Yields on 10-year UK debt are no longer rising in tandem with 10-year US Treasuries, a collateral casualty of hot US data and investor bets on a Trump victory.

Borrowing costs have jumped

Line chart with 255 data points.
10-year gilts
The chart has 1 X axis displaying Time. Data ranges from 2023-10-31 00:00:00 to 2024-10-31 00:00:00.
The chart has 1 Y axis displaying %. Data ranges from 3.436 to 4.512.
Source: Bloomberg
End of interactive chart.

The intraday spike in UK yields to 4.57pc on Thursday is entirely sui generis. Sterling has fallen hard at the same time, a sure sign that these moves are more than the normal repricing of inflation risk.

There is a whiff of worry about the £300bn of debt issuance planned for this fiscal year, though not yet a worry about the integrity of UK sovereign debt itself. “It is not a Kwarteng red card, but it is a Reeves yellow card,” said Mr Ostwald.

We do not yet have the same cocktail of a crashing currency and rocketing yields, a mix that really was alarming two years ago – albeit not as existentially dangerous as supposed. The Bank of England can always backstop the gilt market with electronic money in extremis. That is the beauty of borrowing in your own currency, backed by your own sovereign lender-of-last resort.

Nevertheless, Britain has broken a cardinal rule by lifting its head above the parapet at a hazardous time, on this occasion because bond funds are starting to choke on the exorbitant volume of global debt supply.

Britain has even managed to eclipse France, which takes some doing since France is in chaos, with a phantom government, and a fiscal deficit of 6pc of GDP as far as the eye can see.

The Office for Budget Responsibility says the Chancellor’s front-loaded blast of extra day-to-day spending – 8pc over two years in real terms – will cause the economy to hit capacity constraints and overheat. The self-defeating stimulus will leak into higher inflation and higher interest rates.

Britain risks lurching from an illusory boomlet to a very real bust in three years as the Chancellor is forced to tighten fiscal policy violently to meet her “stability rule”. This sequencing has no political credibility.

If the Chancellor will not tighten at this benign point of the electoral cycle, said Ben Nabarro from Citigroup, “when plausibly might she be willing to do so?”

Like others, I feel cheated. I had genuinely hoped for an industrial strategy and a blitz of public investment that might “crowd in” three times as much private investment, lifting the economy out of its low-growth trap.

I was willing to suppress my irritation over Labour’s class-war assault on private schools, made worse by trying to dress it up as a revenue-spinner. Ditto for the ideological hit on landlords, which will snarl up the rental market. Ditto for driving wealthy non-doms into the open arms of Giorgia Meloni’s Italy. Ditto for the £22bn black lie.

I was willing to bite my tongue over an energy policy that perpetuates demand for petrol and diesel by freezing fuel duty, while at the same curtailing domestic supply by killing the North Sea industry. The result of this mix is to worsen the trade deficit, and to import more oil with a higher carbon footprint.

But now we learn that the offsetting prize is not what we hoped. Only a third of the £72bn of extra spending by 2029 will be for public investment, the turbo-charged segment with a multiplier above 1.0 that lowers the debt-to-GDP ratio in a virtuous circle.

Some extra borrowing will not be used for investment at all. It will go to pay higher wages to Labour’s union friends.

Public sector wage bill has spiralled 

Line chart with 121 data points.
Central government spending on pay
The chart has 1 X axis displaying Time. Data ranges from 2014-09-01 00:00:00 to 2024-09-01 00:00:00.
The chart has 1 Y axis displaying £bn. Data ranges from 8.89 to 17.84.
Source: ONS
End of interactive chart.

The Chancellor has public investment of around 2.5pc of GDP through the late 2020s. This is better than the fall to 1.7pc planned by Jeremy Hunt but it still leaves the UK at the lower end of the G7, and far below the OECD’s stars – Korea and the Nordics. It will not close the infrastructure gap that has built up over three decades.

Niesr said the UK needs sustained public investment of 4-5pc of GDP to escape the stagnation trap once and for all. The Chancellor snatched some extra “headroom” by tweaking the debt rule but she has kept the restrictive structure that prevents a truly radical experiment.

“The Government has widened the fiscal straitjacket rather than throwing it off. The Budget is a missed opportunity,” said the institute.

Higher public investment may pull in more private funding than the OBR assumes, and therefore propel higher growth. You can argue that an immediate splurge on the NHS is a “supply-side” measure that will raise output by clearing the backlog of the untreated sick.

But the main thrust of the Budget is to restrict supply by loading taxes and burdens on productive business. It would have been infinitely healthier to raise income taxes and be done with it.

At the end of the day, Labour is perpetuating the core pathology of the British disease: we produce too little, we save too little, and we consume too much. We have a structural current account deficit near 4pc of GDP. The UK’s net international investment position has crashed to minus £1.05 trillion.

It is the portrait of a country living far beyond its means, and borrowing from foreigners to plug the gap. Neither party has grasped the nettle over the years. Labour is certainly not doing so in this Budget. One weeps, as ever.